Credit-rating agencies have downgraded the country’s debt to within two steps of junk bond status ; unemployment rates in the country’s south are the highest in western Europe ; government statistics are notoriously unreliable ; citizens’ expectations for the government are near an all-time low ; organized crime controls huge swaths of territory ; the justice system lacks authority ; and economic growth prospects are grim.
The politics of economics
Estimates place the size of Italy’s black market economy at anywhere between 25 percent and 45 percent the size of the official economy. As such, using a mid-range estimate means that if the unofficial parts of the economy were figured in, Italy would leap from the world’s seventh largest economy to the fourth. But oft-reported fact obscures the reality that Italy really was the world’s fourth largest economy a decade and a half ago, without anything extra.
That slide is thanks to anemic economic growth that has trailed the European Union average in 13 of the past 15 years. Productivity has remained more or less flat since the early 1990s. The country has inherited monetary stability thanks to the adoption of the euro currency in 2002, but the inability to periodically devalue the currency as the country did regularly with the old lira has severely damaged the competitiveness of most Italian exports.
"The economic problems in Italy are absolutely connected to the political issues," Franco Pavoncello, the president of Rome’s John Cabot University and a frequent commentator, told ISN Security Watch. "It’s no secret that Italy has been in need of a wide array of structural changes for many years, but there’s been no government with the stability and the mandate to force these changes."
The April vote is unlikely to solve much. Without the electoral reform Marini worked to pass, the side that wins will likely be backed by a fragile coalition that will shift in and out of a crisis mode for most of its tenure.
As far as the health of the political system, it is telling that one of the biggest news events of the political season came when one candidate - former Rome mayor Walter Veltroni - attracted disbelieving newspaper headlines simply by declaring that no convicted felons would appear on his list of parliamentary candidates. (Indeed, before it was dissolved in the wake of Prodi’s resignation, Italy’s parliament included 27 felons ; some five dozen others were under criminal investigation.)
Veltroni’s prohibition would not quite eliminate his main rival, billionaire media tycoon Silvio Berlusconi, who has sidestepped dozens of criminal charges over the last 20 years and who convinced courts to suspend two more criminal cases against him so that he could campaign full time.
A relationship economy
"Italy is not a market economy, it is a relationship economy," Giovanni Canepa, the director of the executive committee for the think tank Glocus, told ISN Security Watch. "The system is uncompetitive by nature, based on connections rather that merit. You see the same faces and ideas over and over again for years, whether it’s in politics or business."
The lack of fresh ideas in a country like Italy may seem out of place to casual observers accustomed to Italy’s flair in the fields of design or fashion. But according to Alberto Mingardi, author and co-director of Milan’s Bruno Leoni think tank, the lack of competitiveness and innovation in many sectors stems directly from whether or not those qualities have been required by the free market.
"In the early 1990s, 70 percent of the Italian economy was controlled by the state," Mingardi told ISN Security Watch. "Today, the least innovative big companies in the economy are those former state companies that for most of their history were guaranteed a market by their monopoly status. These companies often struggle with competition today. But in sectors like design or fashion, companies had to innovate to survive."
Grave but not serious
Still, Mingaridi assesses the situation in Italy as "grave but not serious" - an apparent contradiction that, all things considered, probably sums up the situation well enough.
He points to the numbers of thriving small- and medium-sized businesses, the prospect that an electoral reform will pass at some point, and the state’s decreasing role in the economy as signs that the situation in Italy will eventually improve.
"I believe the changes that are needed will eventually be made," he said.
The majority of commentators and expert observers agree. However bad the situation in Italy becomes, and however close the country seems to inch toward becoming truly ungovernable - toward the cusp of becoming the world’s first wealthy failed state - few predict it will ever get to that point.
"When things are at their worst, that’s when Italy starts to make things happen," John Cabot’s Pavoncello said. "Nobody thought Italy would qualify to adopt the euro, but the country put its accounts in order and it made it. Of course we relaxed afterwards. We said, ’We did it, we’re in. Now let’s go to the beach.’ That reaction is partially responsible for the current crisis situation.
"Italy may be approaching the precipice," Pavoncello went on. "But it’s never wise to underestimate Italy when it is near the precipice."
